A Whole New Mind: Why Right-Brainers Will Rule the Future

Change Your Mind

Mises Daily: Monday, February 08, 2010 by Doug French

french_dougDespite the juiced-up GDP numbers of the last two quarters, there is no illusion that the depression is over and the boom has resumed. While GDP is reported as being positive, the employment numbers remain weak. The headline jobless number has one in ten people out of work. Include those who have become discouraged and dropped out of the labor force, and the number is one in five. Since the start of the depression at the end of 2007, 8.4 million payroll jobs have been lost.

Gaining employment has been especially hard for young people. “From December 2008 to December 2009, the employment of 16–24 year olds in the United States fell by 1.78 million, or a third of the total drop in employment of 5.4 million,” reports David G. Blanchflower in The Peninsula. Even college graduates are suffering as wages fall with fewer opportunities.

The artificial boom that misdirected so much capital into financial services, real estate, and other areas of consumer and investor excess also misdirected human resources. The bust now is cleansing those unneeded and redundant jobs. But those professions were what college students had been preparing for.

Now those boom-time career opportunities will be limited, if not gone. For example, despite the crash and the extensive layoffs in the industry, money-management firms report receiving the same number of applications for entry-level jobs.

And while Washington is trying valiantly to reinflate boom-time industries and protect those jobs with cheap money, government bailouts, and deficit spending, Austrian economists know that the structure of production — including employment and the services that work provides — must change to meet consumer demands .

“The last few decades have belonged to a certain kind of person with a certain kind of mind — computer programmers who could crank code, lawyers who could craft contracts, MBAs who could crunch numbers,” writes Daniel H. Pink, “the keys to the kingdom are changing hands.”

wholenewmindcoverthumbIn his bestselling book, A Whole New Mind: Why Right-Brainers Will Rule the Future, Pink argues that the future belongs to those who can recognize patterns, empathize with others, be creative, and provide meaning to peoples’ lives.

The left hemisphere of our brains handles the logical, sequential, and analytical heavy lifting, while the right hemisphere is our intuitive, holistic, and nonlinear side. The job market has put a premium on left-brain work and, to the extent that education trains workers, it focuses on left-brain thinking. Pink contends that technology, globalization, and material abundance are now sending simple paper-pushing white-collar professions the way of the buggy whip.

First our manufacturing was shipped overseas; next we ended up talking to someone in India when calling for technical support; soon the accountant doing your taxes or the lawyer drawing up your will or corporate documents will be working from many time zones away and doing that work for much less than what those services now cost.

The accountants and lawyers who survive will provide creativity, compassion, and caring in their service. Art students will be more in demand than MBAs; and designers of all types who can combine utility with significance, will be valued more than ever.

Those who can tell or write stories will thrive, according to Pink. With all the world’s facts and figures a click away at virtually no cost, the storyteller’s ability to provide “context enriched by emotion” is what will be prized. Success in the “Conceptual Age” will mean understanding the connections between diverse disciplines — what the author refers to as “symphony .”

One of the important elements of symphony is the use of metaphor or “imaginative rationality” to see relationships, communicate ideas, and understand others.

hazlittthinkingIn Thinking as a Science, Henry Hazlitt makes the point that we tend to imitate the authors we read, and so it is important to only read the best books. Our thinking is formed by our reading and it’s not enough to only occasionally read serious work while mostly reading useless books, magazines, and newspapers. People don’t think the shallow reading harms them, but it does. “This is just as if they were to buy and eat unnutritious and indigestible food,” Hazlitt explains, “and excuse themselves on the ground that they ate nourishing and digestible food along with it.”

“One good meal will not offset a week of bad ones; one good book will never offset any number of poor books.” For one to stay competitive, a person can’t be satisfied that they have already read the required substantial books and can now relax and only ingest junk.

In Thinking, Hazlitt lays out a prescription for what ails most everyone, the neglect of thinking: “real thinking, independent thinking, hard thinking.” People don’t try to think through a problem themselves, but instead they “read up” on it. They examine what someone else has thought about a problem. And we are also quick to jump at the first solution presented, because “remaining in a state of doubt is unpleasant,” Hazlitt reminds us. But the deeper, more satisfying solutions are the ones that come from accepting the unpleasantness of doubt and not jumping at the superficial answer.

Recognizing that we have problems concentrating, Hazlitt suggests a half hour each day be devoted to thinking about a single problem and removing temporary interest in other things. Hazlitt urges the reader to evaluate problems a number of different ways and cautions us not to be prejudiced when problem solving. By this he means we should not desire for an opinion to be right because we would benefit if it were or because we already hold that opinion, and we should not wish for an opinion to be wrong because it would force us to change our current opinion. He writes that one “must be constantly and uncompromisingly sounding his own opinions. Eternal vigilance is the price of an open mind.”

In his chapter entitled “Thinking as an Art,” Hazlitt stresses that memorizing a rule is nothing; applying what you learn is everything. He points out that, while the educated flatter themselves that their correct speech comes from the study of grammar, it’s really derived from their unconscious imitation of the language of those they come in contact with and the books they read. “And needless to say, the cultivated man comes into contact with other cultivated men and with good literature; the ignoramus does not.”

The job market is likely to be dismal for a long time, as government continues to try every trick in the Keynesian playbook to no avail. Only those who embrace Pink’s advice to develop a whole new mind, and Hazlitt’s recommendation to develop real thinking and problem-solving skills, will be successfully employed in the dark days ahead.

Douglas French is president of the Mises Institute and author of Early Speculative Bubbles & Increases in the Money Supply. He received his masters degree in economics from the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, under Murray Rothbard with Professor Hans-Hermann Hoppe serving on his thesis committee.

Re-posted with permission under the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0

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You Can’t Count What You Can’t See

Posted by Steven Horwitz, Guest Blogger at 4:10 PM on 02/02/10 on the NBR Blog

horwitz_95x119HT to Steve Horwitz at the Coordination Problem Blog

Over the weekend, the White House released a report indicating that the stimulus program had directly funded about 600,000 jobs and indirectly “created or saved” a total of 1.5 to 2 million jobs. Later investigation will likely reveal that a good number of these created jobs are non-existent or otherwise shouldn’t have been counted. Politicians, both national and local, have every reason to exaggerate numbers like this, and expecting accounting accuracy from the people who pay hundreds of dollars for a hammer has long been an exercise in faith over reason.

Moreover, one can raise all kinds of questions about whether “creating jobs” should be the goal of economic policy. There’s a story about Milton Friedman in China that may be apocryphal but illustrates this point. In observing hundreds of Chinese workers clearing land for a new building using shovels, Friedman asked his hosts “Why are they using shovels? Why not use heavy equipment like an earth-mover?” The Chinese official said “If we did that, we’d lose all of those jobs!” Supposedly Friedman said “Oh, you’re trying to create jobs! I thought you were trying to build a building. If you want to create jobs, why not take away their shovels and give them spoons?” I’m sure the Chinese host didn’t find that funny, but it perfectly illustrates the point that “creating jobs” is easy (another example: we could destroy all farm machinery); the tougher thing is creating value by saving labor in one place to use it where it is more urgently needed elsewhere. The benefits associated with the disappearance of jobs in making candles or horse-drawn carriages should make us skeptical of the rhetoric of “saving jobs.”

Even with those flaws, the Administration’s accounting is still one-sided. What it doesn’t consider are the jobs lost due to the very policies that are “saving” jobs. Government can only spend what it takes from the private sector one way or another, either through taxation, borrowing, or the redistribution effects of inflation. For every dollar that government spends, there is one less dollar being spent somewhere else in the economy. The jobs that weren’t created because the private sector lacked access to capital due to increases in government borrowing should be offset against whatever jobs the stimulus supposedly is creating.

The problem, of course, is that what was never created cannot be seen and therefore cannot be counted. The French economist Frederic Bastiat once defined economics as the art of seeing the unseen. It may be true that we can “see” it by recognizing the unseen effects of policies, but if you can’t count what you can’t see, you’ll always lose out in the numbers game. The result is that estimates of the net employment effects of government programs will always be biased in favor of the program’s effectiveness. The inability to count what we can’t see should give us long and serious pause when reading about the jobs “created or saved” by the stimulus package.

Steven Horwitz is Charles A. Dana Professor of Economics at St. Lawrence University. His opinions do not necessarily reflect the views of Nightly Business Report. To learn more about Steven Horwitz, read his bio.

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Michael & Me: Michael Moore’s Anti-Greed Film To Be Subsidized by Michigan Taxpayers

The following is text from a new video released by the Mackinac Center for Public Policy, highlighting filmmaker Michael Moore’s initial criticisms of a film subsidy program in Michigan, for which he later applied:

Kathy Hoekstra, Mackinac Center for Public Policy

Kathy Hoekstra, Mackinac Center for Public Policy

In his 2009 film “Capitalism: A Love Story,” Michigan native Michael Moore went to Wall Street with a request to corporate officials whose companies received bailout money from the federal government.

“We’re here to get the money back for the American people,” Moore said in the film. “I’ve got more bags — $10 billion probably won’t fit in here.”

Moore was criticizing an economic system he calls “legalized greed,” but the Mackinac Center has discovered that Moore’s movie qualified for a windfall — at the expense of Michigan taxpayers.

That windfall would come from Michigan’s refundable tax credit program for the film industry, a program that allows movie producers to apply for a tax refund of up to 42 percent of their spending in Michigan. This lavish provision means a studio can easily receive more from Michigan taxpayers than it pays in Michigan taxes.

This initially seemed to trouble Moore, and he openly questioned the program at a forum in July 2008.

“These are large multinational corporations — Viacom, GE, Rupert Murdoch — that own these studios. Why do they need our money, from Michigan, from our taxpayers, when we’re already broke here?” Moore asked.

Moore posed this question to the Michigan Film Office director who determines which movies will qualify for the program. Moore went on: “I mean, they play one state against another, and so they get all this free cash when they’re making billions already in profits. What’s the thinking behind that?”

And as recently as September 2009, Moore told the Michigan Messenger that if the film incentive is “not good for Michigan, Michigan shouldn’t do it.”

But by this time, Moore had already been appointed to the Michigan Film Office Advisory Council. The council works with the film office in part to facilitate participation in the tax refund program.

Moore filmed part of “Capitalism: A Love Story” in Michigan. And the Mackinac Center has confirmed with the film office that a “production person” associated with Moore “applied, was approved for an incentive and … will receive credits” once the state treasury department reviews and approves the audited filing.

The film office did not disclose how much the resulting payment from the state would be; however, the film office director insisted that the incentive approval posed no conflict of interest with Moore’s seat on the film office advisory council.

Last September, Moore told the Michigan Messenger, “I am under pressure from the studio” to apply for the tax credit for “Capitalism: A Love Story.”

In November 2008, Moore declined an on-camera interview with the Mackinac Center to clarify his initial comments on the film incentive program.

When calls and e-mails to Moore and his production company about tax credits for “Capitalism” were not returned, a page from Moore’s own moviemaking playbook was tempting.

Instead, we spoke with Mackinac Center Fiscal Policy Director Michael LaFaive about Moore and the film incentive program.

“You cannot create jobs, you cannot enrich both Peter and Paul by robbing one of them,” LaFaive said. “And that’s what is occurring here. Mr. Moore should know better, since he so long has railed against this type of cronyism, these cozy relationships between government and the private sector.”

Michael Moore said in his film, “We want our money back.”
\”Michael & Me: A Mackinac Center Video\”

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Stimulus II: A Sequel America Can’t Afford

Once again, Dan Mitchell, for the Cato Institute has done an excellent job of exposing the failures of the 1st “stimulus” plan and the threat of another. Great job Dan and thanks for sending it on to us.

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Richard Epstein: The Reid Bill Is Blatantly Unconstitutional

By Andrew McCarthy at National Review Online on December 23, 2009 - better late than never!

andymccarthyAt PointOfLaw.com, the distinguished University of Chicago constitutional scholar Richard Epstein provides a painstaking, withering analysis of the healthcare legislation wending its way through the Senate. He concludes that it is clearly unconstitutional. The essay is lengthy and, in places, complex; but it is brilliantly done, accessible, and compelling. [Thanks to Roger Kimball and Glenn Reynolds.]

Most of the constitutional analyses I’ve read, such as this superb one by David Rivkin and Lee Casey, have focused on the limitations on Congress’s power — to wit, that the Commerce Clause does not vest Congress with the authority to coerce Americans to purchase health insurance as a condition of living in our country. Prof. Epstein’s focus is very different, and a heartening reminder for capitalists in the age of Obama. Drawing on the Bill of Rights protections against takings without just compensation and deprivation of property without due process of law, and on the Supreme Court’s rate-regulation jurisprudence, Epstein concludes that the Constitution assures that “any firm in a regulated market be allowed to recover a risk-adjusted competitive rate of return on its accumulated capital investment.” (Citing the Supreme Court’s decision in Duquesne Light Co. v. Barasch (1988)). Applying these principles, Epstein concludes:

The Reid Bill emphatically fails this test by imposing sharp limitations on the ability of health-insurance companies to raise fees or exclude coverage. Moreover, the Reid Bill forces on these regulated firms onerous new obligations that they will not be able to fund from their various revenue sources. The squeeze between the constricted revenue sources allowable under the Reid Bill and the extensive new legal obligations it imposes is likely to result in massive cash crunch that could drive the firms that serve the individual and small-group health-insurance markets into bankruptcy.

While the insurance companies have been utterly demonized by Democrats in this debate, the fact is that there is a competitive market for healthcare insurance. As Epstein explains, “to justify rate regulation” — which is titanic in the Senate bill — “there needs to be some evidence of the existence of monopoly.” As there is and can be no such evidence, there is no rationale for the bill’s pervasive rate regulation (and for the stifling price-controls that Epstein shows must inevitably result in delayed, reduced, and rationed services). If this bill were really about controlling costs — rather than controlling lives — Epstein observes that it would be a simple matter to repeal the federal law (the McCarran-Ferguson Act) that “authorizes state barriers to out-of-state competition. That one legislative fix should reduce prices and expand access, but not cost the federal government a dime.”

For what it’s worth, I think it would be worth having a vigorous constitutional argument about capitalism. A free society is only free because its people, rather than its government, are sovereign, and it only needs a Constitution to protect individual liberty from encroachment by the government. As Professor Epstein demonstrates, that is what our Constitution does. But this is the antithesis of President Obama’s vision of a new Constitution (or a new Bill of Rights) that proclaims what government must do for you rather than what it cannot do to you. Alas, as I’ve discussed before, while that sounds admirable it is monstrous, since government has nothing to give — it can do for one only by taking from another. If that is to be our system, we are no longer free.

Healthcare is not and has never been a “right.” Why are we so afraid to say that? When the other side says, “Healthcare is a right,” I want to say, “What healthcare? Abortion? Botox? ‘Preventive’ care?” What other “rights” do you have that I am required to pay for? A house? A job? A day at the beach? Since when? Only in Washington will those questions get you expelled from polite company. The American people are ready to have them asked and to have a real debate about them — not a 2000-page power-grab in the dark of the night before Christmas.

What you have a right to is no unreasonable government interference with your ability to purchase healthcare in a competitive market — i.e., a fair market in which government polices against fraud and does not skew the playing field by interfering unreasonably with providers and insurers. That’s a valuable right, and it has delivered the greatest healthcare system in human history. We are crazy to damage it more than we already have — and even crazier to allow it to be done on the pretexts the Obama Democrats are offering.

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Lost Wisdom: Gustav Cassel on Economic Planning

By Steve Horwitz: Posted on the Coordination Problem Blog Site.

This is from a 1934 Cobden Memorial lecture of Gustav Cassel’s entitled “From Protectionism through Planned Economy to Dictatorship”:

Planned economy will always tend to develop into Dictatorship…[because] experience has shown that representative bodies are unable to fulfill all the multitudinous functions connected with economic leadership without becoming more and more involved in the struggle between competing interests with the consequence of a moral decay ending in party - if not individual - corruption. The parliamentary system can be saved only by wise and deliberate restrictions of the functions of parliament. Economic dictatorship is much more dangerous than people believe. Once authoritative control has been established, it will not always be possible to limit it to the economic domain.

That is quoted from Hayek’s “Freedom and the Economic System” (p. 192 in CW).

Hayek says of that passage that it has “a clarity which leaves nothing to be desired.” Yup, Fritz, you called that right. That passage has the knowledge problem, the public choice problem, the “road to serfdom”, and the importance of constitutional rules all packed into four sentences. It even hints at the ratchet effect.

The sad part is how much of the wisdom of that concise paragraph has been swamped by the nonsense coming from reams of worthless paper produced by the four P’s: professors, pundits, policymakers, and politicians.

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The Cause Of Liberty

By Matthew Spalding*

matthewspaldingLiberty is the essential idea that is America. It is at once our greatest inheritance, our greatest achievement, and our greatest bequest to posterity. The Declaration of Independence asserts unalienable rights to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” and the Constitution is meant to “secure the blessings of liberty.” In his Farewell Address, Washington reminded Americans of “the love of liberty” that is “interwoven with every ligament of your heart.” At Gettysburg, Abraham Lincoln noted that before this nation was dedicated to the proposition of human equality, it was “conceived in liberty.”

To this day, the United States is a magnet for those seeking opportunity and prosperity, attracting the talented and enterprising, rich and poor alike. The Founders knew that this would be the case. James Madison predicted that this country “will be the workshop of liberty to the civilized world.” After all, it had been in the name of liberty – political liberty, religious liberty, economic liberty – that many had come to America in the first place.

So important is the concept that English – unlike any other language – has two words to describe it: liberty as well as freedom. We tend to use the term freedom more nowadays, for it has a powerful and evocative ring to it. But the words are often used interchangeably, as when the patriotic hymn sings of “My country, ‘tis of thee, sweet land of liberty,” and at the same time proclaims, “From every mountainside, let freedom ring.” The Founders preferred and widely used the word liberty.

There is a difference between these two terms that helps us understand the Founders’ concept of the principle. Freedom is understood as more expansive, and suggests a general lack of restraint, especially a lack of political restraint, as when we speak of the United States as a “free society.” It is often used to suggest a more open-ended sense of autonomy, meaning that we are free to do whatever we want. But from the Founders’ view, freedom must be understood within the context of constitutional and moral order, which meant reasonable limits and cultural bounds. Liberty means the rightful exercise of freedom, the balancing of rights and responsibilities.

Consider how we use the two words. All animals can be said to have freedom. Men can be free, but so can fish in the ocean or birds in the sky. But liberty is an inherently human word. While we say man has liberty or is a liberty to do something, we do not say the same of animals, because animals lack a rational capacity to choose their own actions. This distinction reflects a much larger and more significant point. In the American tradition, liberty was never understood to man anything and everything, but came with duties and obligations appropriate for human self-government.

The view of liberty appropriate for self-government did not appear spontaneously. The moment in which this nation was conceived was not a chance occasion in time; rather, it was the culmination of a larger tradition, stretching back well before this nation began, that forms the foundation upon which America is built – and without which it would not have come into being. This foundation was the tradition and history of art, custom, philosophy, and political thought, originating thousands of year ago with Greco-Roman culture and its descendants, fundamentally shaped by Judeo-Christian theology and spiritualism, that came to be called Western civilization and that formed western Europe and then North America. The United States is a product of this great development.

The American Founders understood themselves in the context of the ideas and institutions that came out of this tradition, out of that profound learning and wide experience that had been transmitted over time from Athens, to Jerusalem, to Rome, to London – and not to Philadelphia. A deep realization of this civilization and their gratitude for its inheritance gave the American Founders a profound sense of their responsibility to the past and to the future. It is reflected in the art, architecture, rhetoric, and symbols of the early republic: The Founders saw America continuing, and potentially surpassing, the greatest civilizations of the West.

So we begin our understanding of this first principle of liberty by reference to the deep roots of human freedom as they took hold in America. The four core roots that provided the most definition and nourishment to America’s liberty are the “Britishness” of America, the importance of religious faith and the development of religious liberty, the intellectual influences that shaped the American mind, and America’s unique experience in democratic governance.

From his book, “We Still Hold These Truths: Rediscovering Our Principles, Reclaiming Our Future”

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Tis the Season

By Peter Boettke: Posted at The Austrian Economist

peterboettke1Christopher Warren published a book entitled Congress as Santa Claus in 1932. He put the following question to his readers:

If a law to donate aid to any farmer or cattleman who has had poor crops or lost his cattle comes within the meaning of the phrase `to provide for the General Welfare of the United States,’ why should not similar gifts be made to grocers, shopkeepers, miners, and other businessmen who have made losses through financial depression, or to wage earners out of employment? Why is not their prosperity equally within the purview of the General Welfare?

Since that time, the answer to that question by Republican and Democratic politicians has been “Why not?!” And the result has been a complete perversion of the Constitution and the meaning of the concept of the General Welfare.

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We Are No Longer a Nation of Laws. Senate Sets Up Requirement for Super-Majority to Ever Repeal Obamacare

The Senate Democrats declare a super-majority of senators will be needed to overrule any regulation imposed by the Death Panels
Posted by Erick Erickson (Profile) Monday, December 21st at 10:15PM EST at Redstate.com

If ever the people of the United States rise up and fight over passage of Obamacare, Harry Reid must be remembered as the man who sacrificed the dignity of his office for a few pieces of silver. The rules of fair play that have kept the basic integrity of the Republic alive have died with Harry Reid. Reid has slipped in a provision into the health care legislation prohibiting future Congresses from changing any regulations imposed on Americans by the Independent Medicare [note: originally referred to as "medical"] Advisory Boards, which are commonly called the “Death Panels.”

It was Reid leading the Democrats who ignored 200 years of Senate precedents to rule that Senator Sanders could withdraw his amendment while it was being read.

It was Reid leading the Democrats who has determined again and again over the past few days that hundreds of years of accumulated Senate parliamentary rulings have no bearing on the health care vote.

On December 21, 2009, however, Harry Reid sold out the Republic in toto.

Upon examination of Senator Harry Reid’s amendment to the health care legislation, Senators discovered section 3403. That section changes the rules of the United States Senate.

To change the rules of the United States Senate, there must be sixty-seven votes.

Section 3403 of Senator Harry Reid’s amendment requires that “it shall not be in order in the Senate or the House of Representatives to consider any bill, resolution, amendment, or conference report that would repeal or otherwise change this subsection.” The good news is that this only applies to one section of the Obamacare legislation. The bad news is that it applies to regulations imposed on doctors and patients by the Independent Medicare Advisory Boards a/k/a the Death Panels.

Section 3403 of Senator Reid’s legislation also states, “Notwithstanding rule XV of the Standing Rules of the Senate, a committee amendment described in subparagraph (A) may include matter not within the jurisdiction of the Committee on Finance if that matter is relevant to a proposal contained in the bill submitted under subsection (c)(3).” In short, it sets up a rule to ignore another Senate rule.

Senator Jim DeMint confronted the Democrats over Reid’s language. In the past, the Senate Parliamentarian has repeatedly determined that any legislation that also changes the internal standing rules of the Senate must have a two-thirds vote to pass because to change Senate rules, a two-thirds vote is required. Today, the Senate President, acting on the advice of the Senate Parliamentarian, ruled that these rules changes are actually just procedural changes and, despite what the actual words of the legislation say, are not rules changes. Therefore, a two-thirds vote is not needed in contravention to longstanding Senate precedent.

To read the whole article click here!

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“Advocates Of Freedom Should Set A Good Example”

Steven Horwitz is the Charles A. Dana Professor of Economics at St. Lawrence University and I have grown to respect his intellect and the integrity with which he conducts himself in his profession. In an article, just posted on The Freeman, Professor Horwitz addresses the need for the defenders of freedom to stay on the high road in the political/policy debates that are currently raging in the U.S.

Horwitz explains that intellectual laziness, in the heat of stevenhorwitz3debate, makes it

“a lot easier to attack one’s opponents’ motives than actually investigate their arguments and come up with reasoned responses. People of all sorts of political views engage in this sort of intellectual laziness all the time. Assuming bad faith and being intellectually lazy really are the low road of political discourse.”

Horwitz then provides us with an admonishment and some clear directions for engaging those “who would extend the State’s control over our lives,” by writing:

Those of us in the freedom movement need to take the high ground in political debates like these. When we debate those who would extend the State’s control over our lives in all kinds of ways, we should follow a rather simple list of rules to make sure we don’t descend into the sorts of behavior described above.

1. Until confronted with serious evidence to the contrary, assume the other person’s intentions are good and that they wish to make the world a better place.

2. Do not allow others to monopolize the moral high ground; insist that you too want to make the world a better place.

3. Know as many of the other sides of the argument as you can and know them as well as you can.

4. Practice what the economist Ludwig Lachmann called the “Principle of Charitable Interpretation.” That is, read other people’s arguments in the best, most generous light possible.

5. Make reasoned arguments of your own and back them with relevant evidence.

6. Acknowledge where your arguments or evidence are weak or possibly biased; this demonstrates your own open-mindedness and your ability to think critically about your own argument.

7. Finally, do all of this with a smile and a gentle sense of humor. Milton Friedman was the master at this and was, I would argue, the most effective debater for freedom in the twentieth century.

Can I guarantee these will always be successful in convincing others? I cannot. However, with so many Americans fed up with the nastiness of the major parties, we have nothing to lose by taking the high ground of civil and reasoned discourse. What I can guarantee is that you will feel a lot better about yourself for being an ethical defender of freedom and, more important, you will be a role model for the sort of respect for others without which a free society cannot function.

I must admit that the difficulty, that I experience, is that of not wanting to take the time to “actually investigate their arguments and come up with reasoned responses,” and secondly, “assuming bad faith,” regarding the motives of those who want to expand the power of the state. But the battle for liberty must not be tarnished in a manner that looses supporters because of careless arguments and name calling. The importance of engaging in a rational dialogue in an effort to preserve liberty for future generations is well worth the effort. Thanks for reminding us, Professor Horwitz, of the importance of staying on the high road and thanks for your ongoing contributions to preserving freedom.

To read Professor Horwitz’s complete article click here, The Low Road and the High Ground.

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